The
Journal of Philosophy, Science & Law
Volume
10, August 9, 2010
www.miami.edu/ethics/jpsl
A Review of Todd E.
Feinberg’s From Axons to Identity:
Neurological
Explorations of the Nature of the Self*
By Alexander Murphy-Nakhnikian**
*
W.W. Norton & Company, 2009, 212 Pages, ISBN: 978-0-393-70557-7
**
Doctoral Student, Program in Neuroscience, Cognitive Science Program, Indiana
University Bloomington
Overview
Since
Phineas Gage’s unfortunate encounter with an iron rod, so-called “experiments
of nature” have provided valuable insight into the function of the nervous
system. As neuroscience has uncovered
more about the workings of the brain, scientists, clinicians and philosophers
have found progressively more refined frameworks in which to discuss the effects
of neurological dysfunction. In From Axons to Identity: Neurological
Explorations of the Nature of the Self (ATI), psychiatrist Todd E. Feinberg
explores both clinical and physiological evidence in the hope of clarifying one
of the great mysteries of modern science: How do the brain’s diverse and
disparate regions produce a unified sense of self?
Feinberg’s
thesis is that the self is not a singular entity but a dynamic process arising
from the hierarchical structure of the nervous system. In ATI,
he discusses hierarchical arrangements from both a psychiatric and
physiological perspective. In chapters
one through four, Feinberg describes a number of psychiatric conditions and
hypothesizes that many disorders of the self arise from regression to an
earlier stage of psychological development. As a result, we observe in some mentally ill adults psychological coping
behaviors typically seen only in children. This suggests, according to Feinberg, that disorders of the self are in
fact a loss of higher-level brain function allowing younger, more immature
mechanisms to take hold. In the
remaining chapters, Feinberg argues that the hierarchical arrangement of the
brain is unique in nature and that this uniqueness explains the “hard” problems
such as mental unity, the subjective experience of qualia, and intentionality. Though the subject matter of the first and
second halves of ATI is quite different, the concept of hierarchical
organization is the theme that unifies the entire book.
Altogether
Feinberg provides an interesting perspective on the concept of self, though
some of his conclusions are too strong. He glosses over many of the deeper
philosophical issues related to the “hard” problems of consciousness,
demonstrating the danger in making strong claims about consciousness at this
stage of the game. That being said, Feinberg’s
clinical expertise provides an interesting perspective. The case studies in
particular are fascinating. Feinberg
quotes extensively from both his and others’ interviews with their patients
giving his readers a first-person perspective of mental illness that is
touching as well as intellectually stimulating. ATI is accessible for lay
readers and could also be a valuable resource for university instructors
teaching abnormal psychology or cognitive neuroscience at the undergraduate
level. I would recommend it to
professional scientists and philosophers interested in clinical perspectives on
cognition.
Psychopathology and the
Physical Basis of the Self
Feinberg
begins by surveying numerous case studies of patients with disorders of the
self arising from trauma, such as stroke, or dementia. Broadly, disorders of
the self can disrupt knowledge of one’s own body, produce an abnormal sense of
familiarity or non-familiarity with objects and people, corrupt recollection of
one’s own past, or break apart the typically cohesive self. Among other things, Feinberg’s descriptions
of these patients drive home how the self is inseparable from the brain, and it
is disquieting to know that we can “lose ourselves” through trauma or the
gradual breakdown of our brain due to age. In two particularly striking examples, one patient insists that
paralyzed limbs still work while another develops strong feelings towards a
“person” who is in fact her own mirror image.
The
powerlessness one faces in disorders of the self is especially disturbing. Terrible though paralysis may be, it is at
least something that one can confront and, perhaps, learn to live with. But the sincere belief that one can lift an
inoperable limb is something else entirely; under certain circumstances, we can
lose our selves and no exertion of will can retrieve what is lost. Outside the enclaves of neuroscience,
cognitive science and philosophy of mind, many if not most people instinctively
believe in some form of dualism – the assertion that there is distinct “mental
stuff’ and “physical stuff”. Feinberg’s
discussion of these case studies brings into relief the inseparability of the
mental and the physical. For many lay
readers, this might come as a jarring reminder of just how susceptible our rich
inner lives are to the vicissitudes of the physical world. And while physicalism – the belief that there
is only physical stuff and the mind emerges out of it – is nothing new or
radical in philosophical circles, it is nevertheless worthwhile to read
first-hand accounts of people with damaged selves. These cases remind us of the fragility of the
physical self – something that is often lost in technical discussions.
The Hierarchical
Development and Dysfunction of the Self
In
chapters three through four, Feinberg develops the hypothesis that a mature ego
emerges as progressively more refined psychological mechanisms for navigating
the world come into being. In this way
the self develops in a hierarchical manner. “Immature” mechanisms such as fantasy are not lost as one makes the
transition from childhood to adulthood, rather they become part and parcel of
the maturing self. Adults are certainly
capable of fantasy, but in healthy adults indulgence in fantasy is modulated by
restraints that maintain a clear distinction between what is real and what is
imagined. For this reason, we think little of it if a young child sincerely
believes in Santa Claus but this belief is cause for concern in an older child
and indicates psychosis in adults.
Of
course children can transition between the world of fantasy and that of
reality; however, the intensity of childhood fantasies differentiates children
from adults. When a child enters into a
fantasy world, that world becomes the child’s reality – at least for a time –
whereas a healthy adult does not conflate his or her daydreams with what
actually is. The strength of childhood
fantasies could explain, for instance, how children develop intense
relationships with imaginary friends or enter a world in which they have
special powers. It is also noteworthy
that intense fantasy in children can serve as both a type of play or as a
psychological defense mechanism. An
imaginary companion may, for instance, provide a means by which a child develops
creativity and social skills, but can also serve to ameliorate loneliness or as
a scapegoat whom the child blames for his or her own actions. Feinberg emphasizes that if an adult becomes
completely immersed in fantasy, the indulgence in imagination reflects
pathology and not normal psychological development.
Feinberg
presents a formal ordering of psychological coping mechanisms adapted from
Vaillant [1]. At the first level are
“psychotic mechanisms”, those that involve complete denial of reality and typically
disappear around age five in normal development. The occurrence of level one mechanisms in
adults almost always indicates pathology. At level two we see “immature
mechanisms” such as projection hypochondriasis and simple “acting out”. Such behaviors are often observed in
adolescents, as well as adults who suffer from depression or personality
disorders. At the third level, there are
“neurotic mechanisms” which, while not necessarily healthy, are seen in most adults
to some degree. These include repression
and reaction formation. The highest
level, so-called “mature mechanisms”, are those employed by mentally balanced
adults to deal with stress, complicated emotions and psychological strain. Altruism and use of humor are examples of
mature mechanisms.
Feinberg
argues that the emergence of mature mechanisms in late adolescence and early
adulthood reflects the progressive development of the brain. As “higher” level processing centers such as
the prefrontal cortex develop, the brain is more able to exert inhibitory
control and employ feedback mechanisms to modulate its own behavior. In a sense, the part of our mind that cannot
distinguish between reality and fantasy is never really gone. Immature aspects of the self simply come
under the control of more mature mechanisms that dampen their influence on a
person’s behavior. Loss of higher-level
mechanisms does not, in Feinberg’s view, produce new behaviors. Rather, such damage allows previously
suppressed mechanisms to reemerge in adults.
It
follows from the framework described above, and Feinberg argues convincingly
based on clinical data, that there exist many similarities between normal
behavior in children and pathological behavior in adults. For instance, patients who insist that
paralyzed arms still function are comparable to children who create fantasy
worlds when their wishes conflict with reality. To cite another example, Feinberg describes adults who become extremely
attached to imaginary friends. In two
tragic cases one elderly patient prepares a place setting for a teddy bear
while another attempts to feed a photograph of her dead husband. The first patient describes her stuffed
animal as a lively companion while the second adamantly avers that her husband
is not dead. From these and other
examples, Feinberg argues that adults with certain mental illnesses, much like
children, use denial of reality as a compensatory mechanism because they have
lost the ability to utilize higher-level coping strategies.
Two Types of Hierarchies
Having
argued that the self evolves hierarchically from childhood to adulthood and
that disorders of the self come about when higher levels of the hierarchy break
down, Feinberg devotes the remainder of ATI to a discussion of the organization of the brain and how this organization
dovetails with a hierarchical view of the self.
Feinberg
differentiates two types of hierarchies: non-nested and nested ones. A non-nested hierarchy is very much like a vertical
flow chart, with higher-level nodes exerting influence on the nodes directly
beneath them. Such hierarchies are often
compared to a military structure in which the highest-ranking officer’s orders
influence behavior at lower levels of the system while at the same time lower
ranking members of the hierarchy provide information to members at the level
above their own. The key feature of a non-nested
hierarchy is the distinct separation between different levels. In contrast, nested hierarchies are those in
which higher levels are composed entirely of lower level constituents. For instance, a cube of ice is composed of water
molecules, which are themselves amalgamations of hydrogen and oxygen. Of course a water molecule isn’t an ice cube
anymore than an oxygen atom is a water molecule. Though the levels are non-identical, they are
compositionally dependent upon one another in ways that the members of non-nested
hierarchies are not. Feinberg argues
that the brain displays the traits of both a non-nested and nested hierarchy
and that this unique feature explains the problems of unity, qualia, and
intentionality.
Hierarchies and the Self
In
chapter five of ATI, Feinberg
describes the hierarchical evolution of the nervous system. It is largely a review of basic neural
development that sets the stage for chapter six. While much of the material is
review for professionals and advanced students, it will provide a challenging
yet comprehensible introduction for non-specialists.
In
chapter six Feinberg argues that as new structures develop and integrate
themselves with those that already exist, we observe the formation of both nested
and non-nested hierarchies with the emergence of non-nested hierarchies as the
crucial ingredient for consciousness. In
Feinberg’s scheme, organisms are divided into four categories with respect to
their capacity for consciousness.
At
the first level, we see simple organisms with no central nervous system. These organisms are, in Feinberg’s view, best
thought of as purely nested systems as each level is composed entirely of the
elements below it. For instance,
proteins make up organelles, which make up cells, which make up organisms. There is no centralized control, only
parallel processes.
At
level two are organisms with simple nervous systems. These organisms are capable of stimulus
response behaviors but not reflection or internal representation of their
environment. Though the levels of such
organisms’ nervous systems are structurally distinct, they do not display
robust non-nested hierarchies in that there is little or no centralized
control. Though there is some vagueness
regarding the cutoff between the emergence of nested and non-nested hierarchies
in the nervous system one can grant Feinberg these distinctions for argument’s
sake. Moreover, the evolutionary trends
he describes are well established as we see not only an increase in brain
volume but changes in the ratio of volumes between different brain structures
as we move “up” the phylogenic tree [2]. Such evidence bolsters Feinberg’s claim that, at some point in
evolution, we see the emergence of convergent and divergent information
processing in the brain as opposed to the simple parallel processing observed
in simpler organisms.
Consciousness
emerges at levels three and four. Level
three organisms are those with consciousness but not self-awareness, while
level four organisms have a well-developed sense of self. In addressing these issues, Feinberg surveys
a number of issues in neuroscience and psychology including perceptual binding
– the ability of the brain to form unified perceptions out of multifarious
inputs – and the brain’s capacity to influence its own behavior. In discussing perceptual binding, Feinberg
argues that the “wiring” of the brain alone is not enough to explain the
emergence of unified percepts. He
presents evidence that other phenomena, such as synchrony in the firing of
neurons and coherent oscillations in brain waves, facilitate binding. Both non-nested and nested hierarchies might
contribute to such coherence across the brain as high-level nodes in non-nested
hierarchies exert simultaneous control over multiple nodes while the elements
of nested hierarchies tend to operate in tandem due to their compositional
dependence on one another. Feinberg also
argues that the brain’s ability to control its own behavior depends critically
on properties of non-nested hierarchies. Because they can exert top-down control, non-nested hierarchies allow
animals with advanced brains to reflect and choose how to react to stimuli,
instead of producing the rigid behavioral patterns seen in organisms with
simpler nervous systems. Such
coordination allows organisms with highly evolved brains to plan actions based
on an overarching goal rather than simple stimulus response.
The Hard Problems
In
the concluding chapters of ATI,
Feinberg grapples with the so-called hard problems of consciousness: mental
unity (the emergence of a unified self out of a heterogeneous brain), qualia
(subjective experiences such as color and taste) and intentionality (the
ability to have mental states such as desire and fear that are directed at
external things). He attempts to resolve
these problems by applying the hierarchical view of the self presented in the
previous chapters, arguing that the self is not as a static entity but rather a
dynamic process which emerges from sufficiently complex systems.
Feinberg
deals with mental unity both with intuitive and scientific evidence. Though our subjective sense of the unity of
our own self is strong, arguments from intuition alone are slippery. Non-Euclidean geometry, for instance,
requires considerable intellectual gymnastics to grasp because its postulates
are so counter-intuitive. Yet it is only
within a non-Euclidean framework that Einstein’s theories of space-time
hold. Perhaps with the limits of
intuition in mind, Feinberg devotes more space to a discussion of scientific
evidence and presents an interesting assessment of disorders in which the
unified self breaks down. For instance,
Feinberg discusses cases of alien hand syndrome in which a limb becomes
divorced from its owner’s will (much like the right hand of the title character
in the film Dr. Strangelove: Or How I
Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb). These cases, Feinberg argues, demonstrate
that the unified self is a property of a physical system given that damage to
the system disrupts this unity. This
reasoning, however, only provides evidence that physicalism is likely
correct. To know that damage to the
system causes changes in its properties tells us what a system does. But,
without a proper theoretical framework in which to interpret such evidence, it tells
us little about how a system
accomplishes its task. To deal with the
“how”, Feinberg argues that the qualities of nested hierarchies allow us to
account for mental unity as each higher level of the brain is composed of the
lower levels, thus providing a natural means by which the brain creates a
unified self. While interesting, this
theory is not entirely novel, nor is it without problems of its own.
Feinberg
extends his theory of mental unity when dealing with qualia. As the unified self emerges out of the
interactions between different levels of the brain, Feinberg argues that qualia
are nothing more and nothing less than the result of interactions among nodes
arranged in a sufficiently complex hierarchy. The argument seems very similar to arguments from the concept of supervenience,
which posits that mental properties (M) supervene on physical properties (P)
when and only when it is impossible for systems with the same M properties to
have different P properties. This line
of reasoning is not, however, without problems. Kim [3], for instance, argues that mental properties are epiphenomenal
in this scheme, as they are ontologically inseparable from physical
properties. Therefore, mental properties
have no intrinsic qualities or causal power that are not accounted for by their
physical correlates. Granted,
traditional formulations of supervenience do not take into account the
interactions between nested and non-nested hierarchies that Feinberg
describes. Such interactions, however,
still do not perform all that we need for a complete physicalist account of the
self. The argument still hinges on the
supposition that subjective experience either supervenes upon, or is an
emergent property of, a particular type of physical system. In this account, as is the case with
Feinberg’s explanation of mental unity, we do not have a complete picture of how a system accomplishes its task.
Without such an account, the ability of a physical entity of any complexity to
experience the subjective aspects of eating an apple, watching a sunset or
falling in love remains as shrouded in mystery as ever.
Finally,
in discussing intentionality, Feinberg once again posits that it emerges out of
the interactions between the various levels of neural hierarchies. He argues that, like qualia, intentionality
is non-reducible to the constituent neural events that create it. Ignoring for a moment that strong emergentism
is by no means universally accepted by the cognitive science community, this
account of intentionality is unsatisfying for the same reason that Feinberg’s
discussion of qualia does not close the issue. If we accept that intentional states simply arise out of the
interactions among multiple levels of a hierarchy then we still have no account
of why a particular thing should “feel” as it does, nor do we have a coherent
philosophical explanation of how a physical entity feels anything. Furthermore, if we continue entertaining
arguments from emergence, then Kim’s criticisms still apply and must be
answered.
In
his discussion of all three aspects of the hard problem, Fienberg appeals to
the complexity of a system in which nested and non-nested hierarchies operate
in tandem. In all three cases, however,
there is still no plausible description of how such a system generates consciousness. Such an account of consciousness is
tantamount to the understanding of gravity available in Newton’s time; Newton
and his contemporaries understood that massive objects attract one another –
this is the what – but they could not formulate any coherent story about action
at a distance – this is the how. How
gravity works hinges on Einstein’s insight that massive objects can bend
space-time, a concept that could did not fit into any mathematical framework
available to Newton. Likewise, it is
probably the case that Feinberg, like anyone currently grappling with these
issues, lacks a framework in which to explain how the brain does what it does.
The Jury is Still Out
Though
Feinberg has done an admirable job grappling with the hard problems of
consciousness his primary conclusions are premature. First and foremost, in all three aspects of
the hard problem his argument seems to come down to the following: all the
richness and subjective qualities of our inner lives arise from complex
interactions among brain regions but are not reducible to these
interactions. However, this seems to be
a reiteration of strong emergentism, which is not without its detractors. Furthermore, Feinberg consistently states as
a matter of fact that the subjective aspects of self simply arise from the
hierarchical structure of the brain. This story is incomplete without a coherent physiological or
metaphysical account of how interactions between hierarchies accomplish this
task. Without such an account any appeal
to hierarchies or any other aspect of the brain simply begs the question.
Finally,
many of the ideas present in ATI are
still topics of on-going discussions in the cognitive science literature. Feinberg’s reliance on strong emergentism
would have been strengthened by an attempt to refute its critics. Furthermore, Feinberg’s views of the mind are
not entirely novel. The notion of the
mind as an ever-evolving dynamic system is seen in work by Van Gelder [4], and
further developed in the mechanist account of philosophers such as Bechtel [5]
and the dynamical systems theories advocated by Randall Beer and others. Finally, Lucas [6] argues that human minds
have a unique ability to perform self-referential reasoning in his critique of
strong AI theory, and Hofstadter [7,8] has developed in detail the concept that
minds arise out of hierarchical systems that loop back upon themselves.
In ATI, Feinberg provides worthwhile
food for thought. When sticking to
discussions of clinical cases, ATI is
lively and stimulating reading. Criticisms
of the arguments regarding consciousness not withstanding, Feinberg presents
interesting concepts in a non-technical and clear style, making ATI a valuable resource for lay
readers. Feinberg’s insights from
clinical experience provide fresh and engaging material for cognitive
scientists and philosophers of mind.
Acknowledgments
Thanks
to Colin Allen, Eric Anderson, Jr. and Robin Murphy for critical readings of
this review.
References
1. Vaillant, G.E.
(1993)The Wisdom of the Ego. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, MA.
2. Finlay,
B.L. and Darlington, R.B. (1995). Linked regularities in the development
and evolution of mammalian brains. Science,
268 1578-1584.
3. Kim, J.
(2005) Physicalism, Or Something Near
Enough. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.
4. Van
Gelder, T. (1995) What Might Cognition Be, If Not Computation? The Journal of Philosophy, 92(7) 345-381.
5. Bechtel,
W. (2008) Mental Mechanisms:
Philosophical Perspectives on Cognitive Neuroscience. Taylor and Francis
Group, New York, NY.
6. Lucas,
J.R. (1961) Minds, Machines and Gödel. Philosophy
36(137) 112-127.
7. Hofstadter,
D. (1979) Gödel, Escher, Bach: An Eternal
Golden Braid. Basic Books, New York, NY.
8. Hofstadter,
D. (2007) I Am a Strange Loop. Basic
Books, New York, NY.