 |

 |
 |

Volume 1, November 2001
www.psljournal.com/archives/papers/ethics_lever.cfm
Ethics and
the Patenting of Human Genes
Annabelle
Lever*
*Visiting Professor of Political
Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Lever has a doctorate in
political science from MIT. Her doctoral thesis is called "A Democratic
Conception of Privacy" and she has also published articles on privacy and
sexual equality, and on feminism and rights.
Human gene patents are patents on
human genes that have been removed from human bodies and scientifically
isolated and manipulated in a laboratory.
The U.S. Patent Office has issued thousands of patents on such genes and
it is generally believed that their legality is well-established, although no
court has yet ruled on the matter directly.
The legality of such patents under the European Patent Convention [EPC]
has yet to be determined. However,
legal experts believe that there would be no legal objection to treating human
genes as patentable inventions under the EPC either.
Legal and moral justification, however, are not identical,
and it is possible for a legal decision to be immoral although consistent with
legal precedent and procedure. Thus, it
is not surprising that the emerging legal consensus on human gene patents has
not significantly allayed doubts about their morality.[1] If anything, it is surprising to learn that
there are those who believe that attention to the legal justification for human
gene patents could remove the most serious moral objections to them. Yet that, precisely, is Pilar Ossorio’s
claim, and she is not alone in making it.[2] Like Ossorio, those who are well-versed in
patent law often believe that confusion over some quite basic legal and
scientific facts can account for the belief that human gene patents are immoral
and, in particular, for the belief that they justify the ownership of one
person by another.[3] Once these confusions are removed, they
contend, we will see that there is nothing especially alarming about these
patents, and no reason to believe that they are immoral. [4]
Legal
Facts about Human Gene Patents
The idea that patents on human genes is immoral, because
indistinguishable from the claim to own other people, rests on two confusions
about patent law, according to Ossorio.
The first is confusion over what is patented by a human gene patent; the
second, there is confusion over what a patent enables one legally to do. Because patents on human genes do not, and
legally cannot, apply to genes as they naturally occur in our bodies, Ossorio
maintains that human gene patents constitute no threat to the bodily integrity
of individuals, or to their use of their own genes in living and reproducing. Because patent rights are different from
ownership rights, and do not confer ownership on anything, she believes that
patenting must be distinguished from owning, whether we are talking about
patents on bicycles or on human genes.
Human genes can only be patented in the U.S. – or, indeed,
anywhere – if they can be distinguished from genes as they naturally occur in
human bodies.[5] To be patentable in the U.S. an object or
process must count as an invention, not a discovery, in addition to meeting
further legal tests such as those for novelty, non-obviousness and
usefulness. It is, therefore, a legal
fact about patents that they do not apply to objects that occur naturally,
unless these have been sufficiently altered by human effort as to count as
“made by man” for legal purposes. Thus,
human genes can only pass the threshold test that marks them as legally
patentable, if they have been altered sufficiently to be legally distinguishable
from naturally occurring genes, which cannot be patented.
Though the genes in your body are not patentable, the degree
of manipulation and alteration that is required to isolate and identify a human
gene scientifically means that genes so altered and manipulated can merit a
legal patent. Or so the U.S. Patent
Office has held, when granting patents on human genes. As Ossorio describes it, this is hardly
surprising for human genes that are patentable to have scientific and
commercial properties that distinguish them from naturally occurring
genes. For example, Ossorio explains
that while there are several methods of sequencing DNA, all of them require at
least some of the following: isolating DNA, purifying DNA, removing a small
segment of the DNA from its place in the genome and connecting it to bacterial
DNA (apparently doing this is called “cloning” DNA), chemically unwinding DNA,
and constructing radioactive or florescent copies of the genomic DNA fragment.[6] She explains that “When a patent claims a
particular DNA sequence, it must teach others how to ‘make’ that sequence – the
patent must give enough information that another investigator can synthesize
the sequence de novo or clone the sequence herself. Cloning or synthesizing DNA according to
information in a patent generally results in DNA that resides in a very
different biochemical environment than that of a human cell.”[7]
In Diamond v. Chakrabarty,[8]
the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a patent on oil-eating bacteria, arguing that
such a patent was perfectly consistent with legal objections to patenting
natural objects that have not been significantly altered by human endeavor. In Parke –Davis and Co. v. H. K. Mulford
and Co., a lower Court held that purified human adrenaline was patentable
because, through purification, it became “for every practical purpose a new
thing commercially and therapeutically.”[9] Hence, given the work that goes into
scientifically isolating and identifying a gene, and the changes in the
properties of the gene that this involves treating human genes as patentable
inventions does not, in and of itself, threaten the bodily integrity of human
beings.
As Ossorio believes, these considerations should allay at
least some significant doubts about the morality of patenting human genes. Perhaps patentable genes do not differ as
greatly from naturally-occurring human genes as do oil-eating bacteria from
naturally occurring bacteria – though this is not self-evident. However, it is clear that, legally, patents
on human genes are on genes that are scientifically and legally distinguishable
from the genes in our bodies, or from natural genes taken out of our
bodies.
Moreover, Ossorio argues, the difficulty with the main moral
objections to human gene patents is not simply that they confuse legally
patentable genes with naturally occurring genes. In addition, they confuse patenting with owning.[10] Thus, they fail to see that whatever the
complexity involved in legal ownership, a patent does not confer legal
ownership of anything. One can have a
legal patent on a bicycle without owning any bicycles. Indeed, one can have a legal patent on an
invention, but lack any legal rights to use that invention, let alone to
license others to use or manufacture it.
This is because the only legal right conferred by a patent is the right
to prevent others from using or possessing one’s invention.[11] Because a patent does not confer the rights
to use or possess, Ossorio maintains that patenting is quite distinct from
owning. Hence, she concludes, a patent
on a human gene does not confer ownership of that gene, let alone ownership of
all genes made according to the patent.[12] A human gene patent, then, cannot be
identified with legal ownership of human bodies, not simply because human gene
patents confer no rights over naturally occurring genes, but because patent
rights confer none of the positive rights to possess and use that are typically
associated with ownership.
So, Ossorio is right to claim that attention to the legal
facts about human gene patents removes the most serious doubts about their
moral justification. We may, with
Ossorio, be skeptical that these patents are necessary to promote research and
investment in biotechnology, or in the prevention and cure of human suffering.[13] Nevertheless, doubts on this score hardly
imply that human gene patents are intrinsically immoral, as they would be if
they prevented people from using their genes to live or to reproduce.
Moreover, while these legal features of human gene patents
do not alleviate the concern that patenting may exacerbate existing
inequalities between rich and poor countries, or between rich and poor people
in the same country,[14]
they suggest that there is nothing about a legal patent that precludes
government regulation of licensing agreements with these worries in mind. For example, governments might require
patentholders to license the use and manufacture of human genes for some
purposes (thereby implying that the right to exclude is not absolute),[15]
prohibit their use for others, and limit how much they can charge for their use
or manufacture by poor countries or poor people.[16] In these ways any morally objectionable
consequences of human gene patents could be met, and even preempted, while
acknowledging the legality of these patents.
Yet this, too, would be impossible, were human gene patents the moral
equivalent of slavery.
Why Moral
Concerns Remain
However, if reflection on Ossorio’s claims indeed suggests
that there is nothing inherently wrong with these patents, the moral
significance of the legal facts she cites is less conclusive than she
thinks. Perhaps some confusion about
what is patented by a human gene patent, or over the rights conferred by a
patent, motivate the thought that these patents are intrinsically
objectionable. Nonetheless, patents on
human genes pose a greater threat to human freedom, equality and dignity than
she acknowledges.[17] Indeed, I will argue that although ownership
objections to human gene patents are not very helpful analytically, they need
involve no confusion about relevant legal or scientific matters. On the contrary, they may simply reflect
doubts about the moral justification of quite ordinary legal rights, and point
to the conclusion that considerable moral, as well as legal, reflection may be
necessary to resolve ethical controversy over gene patenting.[18]
For instance, take the claim that patenting is different
from owning, because the patenting simply consists in the right to exclude,
whereas the owning presupposes positive rights to use and possess.[19] How significant this difference is
conceptually, morally and politically depends on the background assumptions
about people’s rights and powers that one uses to assess it. The right to exclude can be a very
significant and controversial right, and may be sufficient to turn what,
previously, would have been collective property into private property.
If, therefore, one supposes that, prior to patenting, human
genes are collective property, one might be struck by the similarities between
patent rights and other forms of private property, rather than by the
differences between the right to exclude and the rights of exclusive use and
possession that are distinctive of private ownership. Ossorio considers this
possibility when assessing “common heritage” objections to patenting human
genes.[20]
She concludes that if one interprets people’s rights to imply that the genome
belongs equally to all, and that all should therefore have equal access to the
derived knowledge or beneficial uses of research on the genome, then “it would
be unjust to grant patents on the human genome.” However, those who object to
human gene patents on the grounds that they unjustifiably give one person
property rights over may also believe that human genes are collective property,
although people should have exclusive rights over the genes in their own
bodies. Hence, Ossorio is wrong to
suppose that ownership objections to patenting can be dismissed more easily
than those based on the idea that genes are part of the common heritage of
humankind. Similarly, if one assumed
that human genes were unowned and unownable prior to patenting, one might be
struck more by the fact that patenting creates a right to prevent others from
using or possessing a gene - as would private ownership - and less by the
thought that it creates only one of the many rights in which private ownership
might consist.
Nor would such objections to patenting collapse in face of
the thought that patentable genes are not spontaneous natural occurrences but
the product of human effort and skill.
After all, it is not self-evident that people lack rights to use or to
possess something, such as land or medicine, that they did not create (although
these may not be rights of exclusive use and possession), or that they cannot
be harmed, or unjustly treated, if they are denied such rights by law. Indeed, the thought that this is a real
possibility underpins objections to libertarian views about people’s rights
from a wide variety of philosophical perspectives.
Perhaps one has no right to the creation of a gene that can
be scientifically manipulated and commercially manufactured in ways that are
useful and medically beneficial.
However, it does not follow that one therefore lacks rights to those
genes once they have been invented.
Indeed, if patenting rights are assumed to be absolute (as they might be
on libertarian views of rights), so that patentholding can prevent the use or
commercial development of inventions, however useful and desirable, there might
be very strong moral objections to the idea that human genes are legally
patentable.
These objections might be couched in the language of
property rights and ownership, to highlight the idea that rights to use,
possess, and exploit human genes are being wrongly denied to people, though
these may no less merit the description “property rights” than the right to
patent itself. But one need not couch
the objection this way, even if one’s objections to patenting human genes are
based on concerns about private ownership.
For example, if one is worried about the consequences of
patents for disparities in medical care, or in political and economic power
between countries and individuals,[21]
one might object to patents on human genes not because they prevent people from
owning something that they ought to be able to own, or from buying, selling, or
leasing services that they ought to be able to buy, sell or lease, but because
one thinks that this is the wrong way to describe and think about people’s rights
to genes.[22] One might be perfectly open to the idea
that people should pay for medical services in some form, and that reciprocity
requires acknowledging and rewarding or compensating the efforts and skills of
those who have benefited us. One would
merely doubt that such recompense should take the form of exclusive rights to
human genes, let alone absolute rights to prevent others from using or
possessing them, even if only for a finite period of time.[23]
It is likely that people, who object morally to patents on
human genes for reasons I have described, will find patents on other things
objectionable too. Thus, they might
suppose that medical or therapeutic inventions ought not to be patentable and
that, therefore, there must be some other way to reward people who create and
invest in medical research and technology.
As I understand the matter, this is precisely the interpretation of
patent law reflected in the European Patent Convention. Under that convention, medical and
therapeutic devices and techniques are not patentable.[24] In this the EPC differs from U.S. law, where
the patent right to exclude is thought to be consistent with the rights of
researchers to use a patented invention for non-commercial purposes, and some
use of a patented invention for personal, non-commercial enjoyment and
entertainment by the general public.
If this distinction between U.S. and European law is as I’ve
described it, this may, perhaps, reflect differences in the way that medical
care and training are organized and funded in the U.S., as opposed to
Europe. But I have some doubts on this
score. If this were the case one would
expect to see public and private doctors, hospitals, and medical facilities
treated differently for the purposes of patent law in the U.S. – and to see
these differences reflected in public debate on the ethics of patenting human
genes. But one does not. Instead, the U.S. supposes that scientific
research, though not medical treatment, constitutes grounds for an exception to
the rights created by a patent – quite possibly with the result that people
will have access to drugs as part of an experiment that they will be unable to afford
as part of their regular care.
Thus far I’ve focused on concerns about the implications of
gene patents for medicine. But the
objections to patenting human genes that I’ve described have broader
implications that need to be examined.
Indeed, they seem either to imply that there are no other purposes – or,
at any rate, no legitimate purposes – that human gene patents could serve, or
that human genes are special in some way that makes the very idea of patenting
them shocking.
It is not clear how sharply one can distinguish these two
lines of thought, or how far they support the view that what is bad about
patenting is that it gives one person unjustified forms of power and control
over another, as ownership objections to patenting imply. Still, I think these two lines of thought
can be distinguished and that, in some circumstances, the differences between
them may prove theoretically and practically important. For the first view implies that there might,
conceivably, be some legitimate uses of human genes that would justify
patenting them, something which the latter view denies. If both would likely object to patenting if
the non-medical uses of human genes were, say, to produce new forms of food, or
new toys, they might nonetheless differ in their approach to these patents as
the source of genetic tests for non-medical purposes.
Even in the absence of a cure, or a treatment, people may
want to take a test that tells them whether they have, or are likely to have, a
serious disease. Indeed, they might
simply want to take such a test because they are curious about their genetic
makeup.[25] While the former objection to patenting
would reject patents on medical resources, because they give some people
unacceptable forms of power and control over others - given the importance of
life and health to all people - they may find the promotion of a wide array of
safe, relatively cheap and accessible genetic tests, in the long term, an
adequate justification for some patents on human genes in the short-term. They might be moved by the thought that some
people could benefit from genetic testing, even if it serves no special medical
purpose, and that patents on human genes for these reasons would be
ethical.
People troubled by the patenting of genes for medical
purposes will, very likely, want to ensure that genetic testing not be
mandatory, and that it not threaten people’s jobs, healthcare, civil and
political rights and so on.[26] They may also want to ensure, perhaps, that
counseling is available for those who use the tests. But these problems with genetic testing will likely arise, and
need to be dealt with, whether or not genes are patented. Patenting will likely exacerbate these
problems, by creating more tests, and more opportunities for genetic testing,
than there otherwise would be. However,
excluding people who cannot afford such testing from satisfying their
curiosity, or from more accurate estimates of their likely life-course, implies
significantly less control over people’s lives, and over basic resources, than
does the ability to deny people needed medical care, or to make this
unaffordable. Hence one might well find
the one acceptable, although believing the other immoral.
So, it may be possible for some people who object to the
patenting of human genes to distinguish amongst the uses to which a patentable
gene might be put theoretically, and in practice. Thus one could allow -
as, it seems, the EPC will allow - for a person to have a patent on a human
gene, but deny them the right to prevent people from using the gene for
purposes a, b, and c; perhaps require them to use it for purposes d, e, and f;
and give them considerable leeway thereafter.
Notice, however, that one could still say that patents on particular
human genes are immoral, and that patents on human genes for certain
purposes are always immoral, while granting that other gene patents might
be morally justified. However, on this
interpretation of objections to patenting, the difference between patenting and
owning, stressed by Ossorio, would be relatively insignificant. Instead, what is critical for this first
version of the ownership objection is whether or not the patent rights should
be treated as absolute, for moral and legal purposes.
By contrast, those who think that human genes should never
be patented may be moved by two rather different concerns with slavery. The first would be the concern about the
illegitimate power and control of one person by another made possible by the
right to exclude people from some important or necessary human good. The second would be the concern with the
attitude toward people’s needs, aspirations, and capacities implicit in the
right to own slaves. Someone concerned
as much with the attitude toward people implied by slavery, as with the power
and control it brings, and the misuse of people that it licenses, may simply
believe that no one can have exclusive rights over human genes and that there
is something morally objectionable in thinking of them as property at all. [27]
What might motivate such objections? One possibility is that they may believe that
our genetic endowment cannot be separated from our capacities for invention
and, more generally, from reflective thought and action. They may, therefore, believe that the
reasons to reject slavery, based on the attitude to human capacities that it
involves, tell against treating human genes as though they were cars, which are
patentable, or as great pieces of art, which are not. They may be willing to say that some reasons for patenting genes
are better than others, and that some of the potential consequences of
patenting raise concerns about slavery more acutely than do others. Nonetheless, they may think that all patents
in human genes, and all efforts to turn human genes into property, confuse
human beings, and their potential, with that of objects, however lovely, useful
and valuable.
Clearly, if considerations of this sort underpin “ownership”
objections to patenting human genes, they do so in ways that are more radical
and for reasons that are even more controversial than the reasons I have described. But just because they are controversial, and
because their rejection of patents is so radical, it does not follow that they
are confused about what is patented by a human gene patent, over the rights
conferred by a patent, or about what is and is not immoral. Such objections to patenting need not imply
that all biotechnology research is immoral, or that debts of gratitude and
justice are not owed to those who benefit humankind through their efforts and
ingenuity. Nor, importantly, need they
depend on any confusion about scientific facts about genes.
For example, those who believe that there is something about
human genes that makes patenting them immoral may be well aware of the fact
that the human genome is very like the genome of worms, not to mention that of
animals with whom we may identify more closely.[28] Just because humans do not differ all that
much from other animals, it does not follow that we should be indifferent to
the moral significance of whatever genetic or other differences that there
are. Indeed, they might think, it would
be as wrong to ignore the significance of these differences as to fixate on
them at the cost of appreciating the moral significance of the similarities amongst
living things.
An implication of this view might be that some patents on
animal genes are immoral, just as some uses of animals are immoral and
condemned by reflection on the evils of slavery and its indifference to human
suffering, human hopes and human capacities.
But whether this type of objection to patenting human genes extends to
other biotechnology patents – or, indeed, to other patents generally – it need
no more exaggerate the genetic differences between humans and other animals
than need objections to rape or justifications for marriage exaggerate those
between one person and another. Racist
assumptions may underpin objections to rape and justifications for marriage,
but they need not. Likewise, some
arguments against patenting human genes may exaggerate the genetic and
non-genetic differences between humans and other animals. But there is no compelling reason to suppose
that this must be the case, anymore than it is inevitable that ethical objections
to patenting human genes should be racist just because they could, conceivably,
be.[29]
Hence, I am unpersuaded by Tom Wilkie’s claim that gene patenting poses no
necessary threat to the privacy of individuals because individuals’
genes are so similar. Our diaries, as
well as our genes, may be very similar to those of other people, yet our
privacy, as well as our property rights, can be violated when someone sells or
publishes our diary without our consent. So, while Wilkie may be right that the
risks to privacy from gene patenting are contingent and avoidable, rather than
inherent and unavoidable, it cannot be for the reasons that he gives.
If one accepts these points, it looks as though one can also
dismiss the charge that those who believe patenting to be immoral must,
therefore, be genetic fundamentalists, or identify being human with having some
particular set of genes, in ways that are unreasonable or, even,
unethical. Given the current state of
our knowledge, one might simply suppose that our genetic endowment constitutes
an important part of the reason why humans have the morally significant
capacities that they have, including the capacity for conscious reflection on
the moral significance of their genetic attributes. [30]
For people who think this way, and so suppose that there is
something morally wrong with treating genes as property – whether they couch
their concerns in the language of ownership, or on analogy to slavery – their
concerns about the way that people see and treat their genes may extend to the
way that people treat their natural and social environment.[31] While some people tend to think that our
genetic endowment is more closely connected to our sense of ourselves as moral
agents than it is our environment, others do not. Rather, they think that our natural and social environment is at
least as significant for our moral capacities, and our ability to recognize,
develop, and exercise these, as are our genes.
Consequently, their objections to patenting human genes may reflect
their concerns about the destruction of some human habitats and ways of life,
and to the ways that other human habitats and ways of life are fostered and
insulated from criticism and change.
In short, I do not believe that one needs to draw untenable
lines between nature and nurture, genes and environment, individual and
society, or one species and another to believe that patenting human genes is
immoral. Although one may have to make
some controversial assumptions, or to reach some controversial conclusions if
one believes that it is always wrong to patent human genes, neither the
assumptions, nor the conclusions need be unreasonable, even if they are not the
only reasonable ones that one might make.
So, while it is possible that some ownership objections to the patenting
of human genes may collapse when confronted with the legal facts to which
Ossorio draws our attention, I do not see that they all must do so.
The
Justification for Patenting
Indeed, it is not clear that objections to patenting,
however interpreted, must be any less reasonable, or any more speculative,
controversial, and sectarian than justifications for these particular patents,
or for a patenting system in general.
Once one considers that most justifications given for patents on human
genes depend heavily on the thought that patenting in general is justified, it
becomes clear how speculative, controversial, and morally problematic most
arguments are for these particular patents.[32] For that reason, I will suggest, it
erroneous to suppose that the burden of proof lies with those who would reject
these patents as immoral, rather than with those who ask us to accept them,
albeit provisionally, on the assumption that these patents are morally
justified in and of themselves, or that they are a morally acceptable
consequence of a practice (patenting) that is, itself, morally justified. Instead, the burden of proof rests equally
on those would deny, and those who would affirm the morality of patenting human
genes.
As Ossorio explains, the justification for a system of
patent rights reflects a couple of rather different considerations.[33] On the one hand, there is the thought that
patents are a solution to the problem of motivating people to invest their
time, energy, and money in the creation and development of socially useful
knowledge and products. On the other,
there is the thought that patents are a solution to the problem of rewarding
people who successfully contribute to the public good, given that all of us
have incentives to try to enjoy these benefits without acknowledging and
rewarding those who made them. Neither
reason by itself singles out patents, as opposed to other ways of rewarding and
motivating people.[34] Taken together, however, patents appear to
have attractive features that other ways of motivating and rewarding people
will probably lack. For example,
patents ensure the publication of useful knowledge, and not merely its
creation. They establish rules that are
relatively automatic, and capable of being fairly applied to the problem of
deciding what counts as knowledge deserving of recognition and reward. They
tailor the size and costs of rewards to inventors based on the preferences,
beliefs, and interests of people in the invention, and so on. In short, patents seem to combine concerns
for efficiency, reciprocity, freedom, and equality in a rather attractive
way.
But appearances are, to some extent, deceptive here, as in
other matters. Like other private
property rights, it is unclear that patent rights actually reward merit, and
they certainly do not seem to reward effort, per se.[35] The relationship between benefit and reward,
created by patent rights, may be very loose, as is the relationship to the
common good or public interest.[36] Moreover, such rewards as patents generate,
and such success as they are likely to have in motivating people, depends on us
assuming what Ossorio ignores when distinguishing patenting and owning: namely,
that patent rights typically enable their holder to benefit financially from a
patent. Hence, they either presuppose
the existence of rights to use and possess the invention (if not by the
patent-holder, by other people), or motivate the creation of such rights. In short, while it may well be true that one
can have a patent on a bicycle without owning any bicycles,[37]
it is typically the case that someone, if not the bicycle inventor, can legally
own a bicycle. Once we recognize this, it is hard to know how well patents
motivate the creation or publication of knowledge that, otherwise, would not be
produced, or publicized. And it is very hard to know how far the legal,
economic, and political benefits conferred by patent rights tailor reward to
merit, or proportion it to benefits conferred. In short, as Ossorio concedes,
the justification for a system of patent rights rests largely on speculation
about human motivations, needs and interests.
Finally, there is, a further difficulty with patents, as
compared to other ways of rewarding and motivating people, which moral
objections to human gene patents highlight, even though they rarely raise them
explicitly.[38] If patents
look democratic when compared to the granting of titles of nobility, to
inheritable personal powers to tax, and so on, they do not look especially
democratic when contrasted with tax-breaks, election to public office, or to
public honors.[39] If, from a
democratic perspective, patenting is attractive because it involves specifying
public criteria for rights, and then providing a relatively automatic procedure
through which people can determine whether they are entitled to those rights,
it also has considerable disadvantages.
For the public may have no idea about the significance of the inventions
that provide the claim to a patent or about the adequacy of the criteria
used to distribute these rights.[40] This casts doubt on the idea that the
benefits created by patentable inventions are sufficiently general or public to
merit special reward. It also means that very significant changes in people’s
rights, expectations, and beliefs may occur without ever being publicly
acknowledged, discussed or chosen. In a democracy, this should cause some
concern.
Legislators can pay attention to the sorts of things are
being patented and why.[41] And as Ossorio rightly stresses, patenting
does not preclude considerable legislative oversight and regulation of
inventions. Moreover, in any system that gives private
individuals the power to alter their legal relationship to each other, as will
bodies of private law, many changes in people’s rights, powers and
expectations, for good and bad, are likely to occur without public knowledge,
representation, and control. Still, the moral objections to patenting point to
the need to think more carefully about the place, content, and justification of
a patenting system in a democratic society, and in particular, its implications
for democratic forms of accountability, choice and participation – not just
efficiency. For some of the bitterness,
mutual distrust, and incomprehension, evidenced by debates on genetic
patenting, reflect the lack of open public debate on the issue, and the
assumption that ordinary people have little knowledge about, or control over,
legal rights, public policies, and scientific developments that may
fundamentally affect their lives.[42]
Thus, proponents of patenting suppose that the general
public is unlikely to know even quite basic and straightforward facts about
patent rights, such as their justification, the sorts of things to which they
apply, the way that they differ from other rights. Likewise, critics of patenting, especially in the U.S., clearly
suppose that most people do not know that plants, animals and human genes can
all be patented. This contrasts with
the situation in Europe where efforts by groups like the Greens and Greenpeace
to publicize these issues mean that people have been subjected to
questionnaires, as well as a great deal of publicity about recent developments
in the law and biotechnology. Yet it is
evident that in the U.S, too, there is a public interest in, and demand to know
more about, recent advances in biotechnology and their legal, scientific,
moral, and political implications for people’s lives. Thus, one can find articles about genetic testing, and its moral
and medical implications in local, as well as national, newspapers; public
interest in, and public sources of information on, the science of the genome
project, as well as more sensational developments like the cloning of
sheep. By contrast, it is rare to find
discussions of the ethics or the economics of patenting human genes outside of
relatively specialized and obscure journals and book presses.
Of course, given what one might consider to be the
disastrous consequences of the politicization of abortion in the U.S., it would
be foolish to assume that democratic discussion of patents on human genes –
whatever one thinks that might mean or involve – would preclude confusion,
mutual suspicion or promote the speedy and principled resolution of complex
questions of ethics and public policy.
But it would, at least, give people the chance to learn about, and to
participate in, decisions that can fundamentally shape their life-prospects and
those of future generations, even if it failed to promote other desirable
things.
If, as seems likely, the patenting system has made such
discussion and decision-making significantly less likely, despite considerable
public interest in biotechnology and its consequences, there is reason to
incorporate concerns for democracy into one’s evaluation of human gene patents. This is partly because concerns about the
justification for patents in general can, quite properly, affect our judgment
about the merits of any particular patent that a patenting system creates. More fundamentally, though, it is likely
that ethical objections to patenting human genes reflect doubts about the
democratic credentials of the motivations, procedures, and criteria that have
led to this event.
Conclusion
I conclude that Ossorio is right
to believe that attention to legal facts and theory can illuminate the ethics
of patenting human genes. However, she
is wrong to assume that legal facts and theory are as morally conclusive as she
thinks, when neither need reflect our considered judgments about morality. Moreover, I have argued that the rights that
ownership consists in are hardly self-evident conceptually, morally, or
legally. As Ossorio says, this tells
against ownership objections to the patenting of human genes, and in favor of
the effort to specify, as precisely as possible, what rights, values, powers,
and liberties make the patenting of human genes unethical. But, I have argued, this objection tells as
much against moral justifications of patenting that turn on sharp distinctions
between patenting and owning, as it does against those who elide the two when
opposing such patents. If patenting
genes is ethical, therefore, we need to know what rights, values, powers and
liberties justify these particular patents, or those legal, scientific,
economic, and political practices that have made the patenting of human genes
seem natural, justified, and inevitable.
We do not yet have the answers to such questions.
Finally, I conclude that our conception of, and commitment
to, democracy has a place in resolving ethical debate about human gene patents
though, so far, this has been largely ignored.
The point is not just that our conceptions of, and faith in, democratic
forms of choice, deliberation, and accountability likely influence our
perspectives on ethical questions, and so need to be factored into these
explicitly. Rather, as long as one
wants legally binding resolutions of ethical disputes to be made
democratically, it is necessary, and urgent, to decide what this would imply
for the procedures through which, and the evidence upon which, ethical disputes
about human gene patents are to be settled.
Those disputes, I have shown, are not over the meanings of words alone,
but over the justification of public policies and legally binding rights,
powers and obligations. They require us
to consider not only the justification of past practices and institutions, and
of present actions and decisions, but of the terms on which, in future, people
will have access to the knowledge, powers, and liberties that they need to live
and to flourish.
What those terms will be is still largely open to influence,
from a variety of quarters, but probably not for long. One of the merits of Ossorio’s article is to
highlight this fact, by stressing how little is settled, legally, morally, and
politically, by treating human genes as legally patentable. However, the difficulties with her
distinction between patenting and owning indicate how easily what is possible
conceptually becomes practically unthinkable, and what that transformation may
cost us in moral and political judgment.
Acknowledgments
I am very grateful to the editors of the Journal of Philosophy,
Science & Law for accepting this article, and for their help in
readying it for publication. It is
based on research conducted as a senior fellow at the Program in Ethics and the
Professions, at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. I would particularly like to thank Dennis
Thompson and Arthur Applbaum for their help and support during the fellowship,
as well as for their critical comments on an earlier draft of this
article. Thanks also to Jim Johnson and
Dave Weimer, former colleagues of mine at the University of Rochester, for
their comments on an earlier draft of this article which I presented
there. Many thanks to Anthony Bourne
for his enthusiasm for this project, and for introducing me to Tom Wilkie’s
work on human gene patents. I would also like to thank Pilar Ossorio for
sending me the manuscript copy of her article on human gene patents. It was the inspiration for this article.
[1]
For the main critical positions, see George J. Annas, “Life Forms, the Law and Profits”,
The Hastings Center Report, (Oct. 1998), pp. 21 – 2; Jeremy Rifkin, The
Biotech Century: Harnessing the Gene and Remaking the World, (Putnam Books,
New York, 1998) ch. 2; and the views of Isabell Meister, Jan Mertens, Steve
Emmot and Daniel Alexander in Sigrid Sterckx, ed. Biotechnology, Patents and
Morality, (Ashgate Publishing Ltd., Aldershot, England). The Sterckx volume
is based on the proceedings of the International Workshop on “Biotechnology,
Patents and Morality: Towards a Consensus”, held in January 1996, by the
Department of Philosophy and Moral Science and the Centre for Environmental
Philosophy and Bio-Ethics of the University of Ghent. It consists in a series of relatively short presentations, by
legal experts, representatives of various environmental groups, and so on, and
also provides a helpful introduction and concluding summary of the proceedings
and debate.
[2]
Pilar Ossorio, “Legal and Ethical Issues in Patenting Human DNA”, forthcoming
in A Companion to Genethics: Philosophy and the Genetic Revolution, eds.
Justine Burley and John Harris, (Blackwell’s, Oxford, Jan 2002). (ISBN
0631206981). Page numbers to Ossorio’s
article are to the unpublished manuscript.
Ossorio is the Director for the genetics section of the American Medical
Association’s Institute for Ethics.
[3] It is hard
to find a published source for this belief, but it occurs frequently enough in
oral arguments about patenting to merit attention by Crespi, at p. 225, and for
Ossorio to try to dismiss it as a red herring, at p.6. However, Jeremy Rifkin claims that
“genetically altered human embryos and fetuses as well as human genes, cell
lines, tissues, and organs are potentially patentable, leaving open the possibility
of patenting all of the separate parts, if not the whole, of a human being,”
Rifkin, supra, pp. 44 – 45.
[4]
Such claims seem especially surprising because the morality of an invention is,
generally, supposed to have little role in decisions about whether or not the
invention deserves a patent under US law.
Though, the European Patent Convention’s article 53 (a) prohibits
patenting inventions, the publication or exploitation of which would be
contrary to public order or morality, it turns out that this clause rarely
justifies withholding a patent from an invention that otherwise meets legal
criteria. Thus, although 320,000
patents have been granted by the EPO since its creation 18 years ago, this
clause has never been used successfully to strike down a claim for a patent. Indeed, Ulrich Satz explains, “Poisons,
explosives, extremely dangerous chemical substances, devices used in nuclear
power stations, agro-chemicals, pesticides and many other things which can
threaten human life or damage the environment have been patented, despite the
existence of the public order and morality bar” in almost all European
countries. See Schatz, pp. 159 – 160,
and his interpretation of ART. 53 (a), at pp. 160 – 166.
[5]
See Ossorio, pp. 6 – 9; and Schatz, p. 169
[6]
Ossorio, p. 7. She notes, (footnote 1, p. 18) that molecular cloning should not
be confused with the kind of cloning that produces genetically near-identical
animals.
[8]
Diamond v. Chakrabarty, 447 U.S.
303 (1980)
[9]
Parke-Davis and Co. v. H.K. Mulford and Co., 189 F. 95, 102 (SDNY 1911),
affd. 196 F. 496 (Second Cir. 1912). Quoted In Ossorio, p. 8
[11]
Hence, at p. 5, Ossorio states that “patents do not grant rights of use or
possession, only rights to exclude”.
However, because people typically have rights to use, possess and
exploit patentable inventions, it is common even for legal experts to define
patents, as does Gerrtrui Van Overalle, as a “legal title granting its holder
the exclusive right to exploit”. See p.
139 ed. Stercx.
[12]
Ossorio, p. 10: “a person who held a human gene patent, and obtained the
further right to make, use or sell DNA constructed according to that patent,
would be trafficking in copies or representations of the DNA inside of another
person’s body”.
[13]
Ossorio, p. 4. See also, Michael A.
Heller and Rebecca S. Eisenberg, “Can Patents Deter Innovation? The Anticommons in Biomedical Research” in Science,
280, (5364), 1998. Available on the web
at www.Sciencemag.org. Theirs is a
response to an article by John J. Doll, “The Patenting of DNA”, in the same
issue of Science, also available on the web. Doll maintains that “A strong U.S. patent system is critical for
the continued development and dissemination to the public of information on DNA
sequence elements”, and that “It is only with the patenting of DNA technology
that some companies, particularly small ones, can raise sufficient venture
capital to bring beneficial products to the marketplace or fund further
research”. These debates have their
counterpart in disputes about the necessity or, indeed, the desirability, of
patents in computer science and business.
See, for instance, “Patently Absurd” by James Gleick, in the New York
Times Magazine, Sun. March 12, 2000, Section 6, pp. 44 – 49.
[14]
For such concerns see Krishna R. Dronamraju, Biological and Social Issues in
Biotechnology Sharing, (Ashgate Publishing Ltd. Aldershot, 1998), chs. 13
and 15; and “The Consequences of Modern Genetic Engineering: Patents, ‘Nomads’
and the ‘Bio-Industrial Complex” by Ruth McNally and Peter Wheale in The
Social Management of Genetic Engineering, ed. Wheale, von Schomberg and
Glasner, (Ashgate, Aldershot, 1998), ch. 18.
For a skeptical view, see Crespi, in ed. Sterckx, pp. 229 – 235.
[15]
However, as Seth Shulman notes, p.7, “Compulsory licensing is anathema to many
participants in the U.S. patent system”.
See Seth Shulman, “Patent Medicine”, a special feature of Technology
Review, 1995, available on the web at www.usis.usemb.se/sft
[17]
Ossorio, p. 10: “Making, using or selling the patented DNA would not interfere
with the bodily integrity or functioning of the person from whom the patented
sequence was derived. The ‘ownership
argument’ against patenting would therefore rest on the claim that it would
diminish us if one person can make, use, or sell copies of another’s
extracorporeal, nonparticularized body parts.
Some may want to defend this claim; for me, it does not carry much
persuasive force”.
[18]
For example, Jan Mertens, suggests that, for The Greens, patents on human and
other life-forms are politically significant because this is something that the
Greens believe they can alter, although their ethical objections to patents
reflect a broader moral and political critique of the ways that people see and
treat both human and non-human nature. See p. 190 in ed. Sterckx.
[19]
Ossorio makes a similar use of the negative/positive distinction between rights
to exclude and rights to use and possess at p. 12, when assessing the claim
that patenting is immoral because it commodifies human genes. According to Ossorio, “Although patents may
be integral to the process of creating commodities it is the affirmative
rights, the actions of manufacturing and selling, which constitute
commodification”. However, as she
recognizes, at p. 13, the point of a patenting system is, in part, to
facilitate the commercial application and development of knowledge, and so
patents typically presume that people – if not, necessarily the inventor – will
have, or be likely to have, the legal rights of use, possession and so on that,
as she sees it, make for commodification.
[21]
Martens, p. 191, where he also notes the pressure placed on India to make its
patent laws consistent with those in the U.S. and Europe.
[22]
Ossorio recognizes this possibility at pp. 15 – 16 when discussing “common
heritage” objections to patenting.
[23]
See Heller and Eisenberg, supra, on the changing standards of rewards in
academia.
[24]
See Larissa Gruszow in ed. Sterckx, p. 153.
Article 52 (4) of the EPC “excludes from patentability therapeutic,
diagnostic and surgical methods applied to the human and animal body”. Quite what this means in practice, I must
say, is unclear, if, as appears to be the case, the EPO initially granted a
patent on a DNA fragment able to encode human relaxin, in April 1991, though it
subsequently had to review the decision.
See Grusow, p. 154. Schatz
discusses article 52(4) at p. 167. He
claims that “The reason [for the exclusions it defines] is that the patent
system is a regulation of competition in industry and trade, whereas the
medical art has to abide by medical deontology rather than by the rule of
commercial competition…” It is the profession that is exempted from the reign
of patent law”. At p. 172 R. Schapira
expresses some doubts about the efficacy of this clause.
[25]
Additional uses might include the development of increasingly accurate and
simple tests for the purposes of facilitating the identification and
prosecution of those who are guilty of various crimes, and as tools for
exonerating the innocent.
[26]
See Philip Kitcher, The Lives to Come: The Genetic Revolution and Human
Possibilities, (Touchstone, New York, 1996), ch. 6
[27]
For example, Isabelle Meister, a spokesperson for Greenpeace, seems troubled by
the patenting of human genes and, indeed, those of life –forms more generally,
because, she claims, this inappropriately confuses living things with
industrial products.
[28]
Compare Ossorio, pp. 10-11: “Human-dignity arguments against patenting human
DNA occasionally refer to the notion that our DNA is unique and uniquely
involved in our identities. However, it
is difficult to formulate a credible argument based on that premise…If we
excluded from patentability only that part of the human genome which is unique
to human beings, then only a tiny fraction would be unpatentable. If we excluded from patentability only gene
sequences that were unique to a particular person, than any human gene or DNA
would probably be patentable”. See also
Tom Wilkie, “Lords of Creation”, in Prospect, no. 32, July 1998. Ossorio’s interpretation of human dignity
arguments tends to suppose that the threat to identity presented by human gene
patenting must be a threat to personal identity, rather than to our collective
identity as humans. This highly
individualistic interpretation of our personal identity and dignity then leads
her to conclude that while a concern to protect personal identity tells against
patenting the whole genome of a person, it does not ground a compelling
objection to patenting in general. The
key assumption here seems to be that only what differentiates us from others
marks, and could therefore threaten, our personal identity. But if, as seems plausible, our personal
identity includes ways in which we are similar, as well as different, from
others (hence its’ precise content can be affected, quite dramatically, by
changes in our circumstances and those with whom we compare), it is at least as
possible that our personal identity is threatened by patenting genes that we
share with other humans (or even with animals), as by the patenting of genes
that are unique to us. For some
empirical evidence on how this might happen, see Philip Kitcher, pp. 130 – 131 and Eric T. Juengst’s “Groups as
Gatekeepers to Genomic Research: Conceptually Confusing, Morally Hazardous, and
Practically Useless” in Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal, 8.2.
(1998). (Available through the
Internet). It should be noted that
Juengst’s argument is against turning groups into gatekeepers with powers
currently ascribed to individuals to enable or prohibit research via their
consent. It presupposes that groups can
be seriously harmed by genomic research, even research to which some group
member consisted. What is strange is
that Ossorio seems to concede the possibility of such harms at p. 15, when
discussing common heritage arguments, although these have no place in her
interpretation and assessment of either ownership or dignitarian objections to
gene patenting.
[29] Tom Wilkie, “The Lords of Creation”, supra,
p. 12
[31]Mertens,
p. 190 in ed. Sterckx implies that this is, indeed, the case for the Greens;
and Meister implies that it is also true for Greenpeace. See ed. Sterckx, p. 185 Hence I do not see
the clear differences that Ossorio appears to see amongst Ownership, Human
Dignity and Commodification objections to human gene patenting, even though it
can be helpful to distinguish amongst them.
[32]
See Ossorio, p. 3 “An underlying assumption of the patent system is that other,
non-market incentives will not lead to as good or as much development of new
and useful knowledge and products” and “The assumption is that without patents
the biotechnology industry could not compete effectively for private capital
against other industries, such as the computer industry”. Neither of these assumptions, of course, is
self-evidently correct. Moreover, as
Ossorio notes at p. 2 while “patent law can be described as serving a positivist,
functionalist strategy: we choose the rule governing patentability to
accomplish the goal of getting new and useful knowledge disseminated, and the
rules are justified according to whether or not they accomplish this goal,” her
conclusion is that “In practice, this is an empirical determination which is
quite difficult to make with any confidence”.
[34]
Hence, David Resnik is wrong to suppose that a purely utilitarian justification
of patents is possible, even if we suppose that such a utilitarian justification
would operate against a background of moral and legal rights precluding such
things as theft, forced labour, and so on. See David B. Resnik, ‘The Morality
of Human Gene Patents” in Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal, 7.1.,
(1997), p. 4 online version.
[35]
Re. Effort, see Ossorio, p. 2, and Resnik p. 4: “the law seems to reward
results, not contributions and efforts”.
[36]
See Ossorio, p. 4, concerning what may be a substantial difference between the
socially optimal rate of invention and the maximal rate of invention.
[38]
Some exceptions are Jan Mertens, pp. 189 – 90, Van Overwalle, p. 147, and Steve
Emmott, pp. 192 and 194 in ed. Sterckx.
[39]
Grants are, here, understood as an alternative to patents, not as an addition
to them. Hence, they do not raise the
concerns about “doubledipping” usefully described by Ossorio, at p.3
[40]
See Seth Shulman, “Patent Medicine”, supra.
At p. 2 Shulman notes of the USPTO that “despite its size, age and
pedigree, the agency must surely rank as one of the least-known agencies of the
U.S. government”. P. 2 also expresses
common doubts about the ability of the USPTO to interpret its criteria for
awarding patents, and gives the example of the patenting of Kirchoff’s law,
first expounded in 1845.
[41]
Resnik notes, at p. 1, that “In 1996 the US Congress considered a measure, the
Ganske-Wyden Bill 9Hr1137) that would have prevented the PTO from awarding
patents that do not involve a new machine or compound”. This, so it seems, would have met some of
the concerns about patents raised by Gleick in “Patently Absurd”. However, this would have no obvious effect
on what, so it seems, is the “capture” of the PTO by companies pursuing patents,
on whom the Office frequently depends both for expertise and for revenues. Gleick notes at p. 41, “In 1991, the patent
office was cut off from general tax revenues and required to subsist entirely
on fees from its operating budget. The
political argument was that customers should pay for government services. Thus, officials think of their fee-paying
applicants as their customers: the more the better,” (emphasis in the
text). Gleick says, “It is virtually
forgotten that government’s customers also include the rest of the nation, the
citizenry at large, whose fortunes depend on the agency’s judgments and
policies”.
[42]
See Martens’ complaint at p. 198 – 90 in ed. Stercx.
Return to Home Page
|
|
 |
 |
|
 |